Neill’s Hill railway station, Belfast & County Down Railway (BCDR) – 70 years closed on 22 April 2020
What makes Neill’s Hill such an important station and why did the BBC Radio Ulster programme ‘Good Morning Ulster‘ feature two segments about it on Friday, 19th January 2018? The first segment was a walk through the former station with BBC reporter, Sara Neill and I. The second segment, which was a studio discussion, featured railway historian Charles Friel BEM who talked about Neill’s Hill, the BCDR, the Comber Greenway and other closed railways in Northern Ireland.
The story starts on 1st March 1890 when the Belfast and County Down Railway (BCDR) opened a small station between Bloomfield and Knock stations on the main double track line to Comber and onward to Newcastle. The new station had a level crossing on the Sandown Road, a gateman and a boy porter. There was also a sand siding from which sand was extracted for use in the manufacture of the famous Belfast bricks.
In 1927 the station consisted of sidings, station-masters house (built 1904), porters house, passenger sheds, two platforms, a subway and advertising boards on fencing. A signal cabin had been closed in 1925. It is recorded that the ‘Permanent Way men loaded the signal cabin onto the 12:15pm stone train and brought into Belfast’.
Sometime before 1937, the BCDR invested funds to lengthen the platforms at Neill’s Hill; increasing them up to 188yds and 175yds long. Bloomfield, Neill’s Hill and Knock were regarded as commuter stations with new housing developments being built around each station. Charles Friel in his radio broadcast told the audience that the BCDR had 3 rush-hours with commuters travelling home for their lunch.
1941 saw the wife (Mrs Edith A Gray) of the gate-keeper at Neill’s Hill being badly injured when she was clipped by a passing engine.
Economy measures after the war had the BCDR reducing the status of Neill’s Hill from a ‘station’ to a ‘halt’. Eventually, on 15th January 1950, the Ulster Transport Authority (UTA) closed the main line to Newcastle. The Belfast suburban stations also closed on that day; Frazer Street (halt), Bloomfield (station), Neill’s Hill (halt) and Knock (station). Within a couple of years, the track lifting gangs were working along the main line. Dereliction of the buildings started immediately. The level crossing was removed from the Sandown Road in May 1957. The station buildings were knocked down in the early 60s and the subway filled in as well.
From the BCDR story, we move onto the personal story. The Bamford family moved into 15 Sandhill Gardens in 1953 following the marriage of my father Rea to my mother Edith. Paul arrived in 1954, myself in 1956 and my sister Linda in 1961. Our house backed onto Neill’s Hill railway station and we had a cinder bank with laurel hedges at the end of the garden.
As children in the early 60s, the railway became our playground. We had platforms to play on, we ventured into the subway as far as we could and when the ferns grew in the summer, we would hide in them and make plans as only children can. Within a few years, the station was demolished and cleared.
Our friends, the McMaster’s lived in 25 Sandhill Gardens. Their house was different from the others in Sandhill Gardens as their land was bordered by a public footpath from the platform through to the road. A garage couldn’t be built until the family purchased the public footpath.
The Bamford’s left the area in 1977. The Comber Greenway was laid out between the Holywood Arches ending just short of Comber. The Knock Valley Sewer Scheme was laid in 2003/2004 along the length of the former main line between Dundonald and Ballymacarrett. It was this sewage scheme that effectively stopped heavy rail ever returning to the former BCDR track bed.
In 2004 it was expected that the development of the Belfast EWAY would be built on the old BCDR line. At that stage, I thought about my childhood days spent on the railway and realised that I had to do something to stop the old platforms of Neill’s Hill being destroyed.
Thankfully the EWAY scheme evolved into the Belfast Rapid Transport scheme with the eastern segment currently being built along the Upper Newtownards Road and due to open later this year. Well away from the Comber Greenway and Neill’s Hill. I also have to thank the 2005 Belfast Telegraph newspaper campaign ‘Saving Our Heritage’ organised by reporter Linda Stewart that featured Neill’s Hill as one of the industrial heritage sites in danger. Sustrans who manages the Comber Greenway said at the time “We wouldn’t have any big plans for it at the moment… but we could consider it for the future”.
2010 saw a change in tactics for myself. The remaining section of the UP platform was safely hidden away in the undergrowth. However, what was missing from the bigger picture was signage to inform the general public, walkers and cyclists on the Comber Greenway that their greenway owed its existence to the railway age and the infrastructure built by the BCDR.
For the past 10 years now, I have been using Facebook and Twitter to encourage someone to fund, build and place railway station signage at each of the former stations along the greenway.
2017 saw a Facebook group member William Scott taking it on himself to manually clear the old platform of shrubs and undergrowth. On seeing what one individual could do, a small team consisting of myself, William Scott, Michael Hopper and Edward Connolly was formed into a work group. Using ‘rail’ salvaged from the former BCDR Knock station we laid the first rail on a Belfast urban station in nearly 70 years. Further rails recovered from Knock will hopefully be laid.
That brings the story up to date. In January 2018, the Department of Infrastructure announced they were going to widen the greenway. I started to ‘tweet’ the story asking what exactly was planned and the resounding likes and retweets were picked up by the BBC Radio Ulster programme ‘Good Morning Ulster’. The department who own the greenway issued a statement to the BBC; “The Department recognises the historical importance of the remains of the old railway infrastructure along the Comber Greenway and has taken the necessary steps to ensure that it’s work will not interfere or remove these features”.
What makes Neill’s Hill such an important feature? Quite simply, it’s nostalgia for what is effectively an old railway within the city boundaries. For me, it’s also a 60-year story that spans my childhood, my working life and into retirement.
Many people will be aware of the cottages that were built across Northern Ireland under the terms of the Irish (Provision for Sailors and Soldiers) Land Act of 1919 for ex-servicemen from the Great War. However, these were not the only houses built for war veterans. In 1929/30, the British Legion constructed twelve semi-detached houses – four in Dunmurry, four in Whitehouse and four in Dungannon. The focus of this article is on the ten Homes for Heroes – bungalows built at Knockbreda specifically for disabled ex-servicemen by the Belfast Branch of the Auctioneers and Estate Agents’ Institute.
In 1915, the Council of the Auctioneers’ and Estate Agents’ Institute in London purchased the Star and Garter Hotel in Richmond for the purposes of providing a permanent home for soldiers and sailors totally disabled in the war. The Belfast Branch committed to raise £360 (£39,600 in current terms) and organised auctions of items donated by individuals and commercial concerns. A comprehensive list of the financial donations and donated items was published in the Belfast News-Letter on Tuesday 12th October 1915 in advance of the auctions on 27th and 28th October. In reading down the list, Samuel McCausland (Wholesale Tea, Sugar, and Seed Merchant of Victoria Street) donated ten pounds of tea and S D Bell (Tea Merchant and Grocer of Upper Newtownards Road) donated five pounds of tea. The hotel was purchased for £21,500 (£2,365,000 in current terms) and was run by the British Red Cross Society.
On 22nd November 1915, the Northern Whig reported that the scheme had received very generous backing in Belfast and the North of Ireland with the Belfast Branch of the Institute being able to guarantee 1,000 guineas or £1,050, which equates to £115,500 in current terms. As there was a substantial surplus, the Belfast Branch of the Institute decided to create a fund to provide a similar home for our permanently disabled soldiers in the North of Ireland. The first event to raise funds was a grand subscription dance in the Carlton Restaurant, 25-27 Donegall Place, the Managing Director, Mr Fred William Henry, having granted the rooms free-of-charge. Mr Henry was also the owner of the Ye Olde Castle Restaurant on Castle Place.
In the 14th July 1916 edition of the Belfast News-Letter, the Belfast Branch of the Institute advertised that it was desirous of obtaining a site of one or more acres of land suitable for erection of semi-detached cottages for disabled soldiers and sailors. A 1.25 acre plot of land was subsequently acquired from Lord Deramore at the junction of the Newtownbreda Road and the Saintfield Road, close to the Ormeau tram terminus. In March 1917, builders were invited to tender for a contract to erect the cottages and eight semi-detached cottages had been completed by April 1919, with plans for a further six detached cottages.
On 3rd April 1919, several of the cottages were officially opened by Mrs Ainsworth Barr and the Northern Whig reported the speech made by Mr Thomas Edward McConnell JP, Chairman of the Belfast Branch of the Institute, in which he said, The work had now finished. They had eight cottages, two of which were already occupied – one by a noble fellow who on 1st July, 1916, was shot through the spine and who would never be on his feet again and the other by a man with two artificial legs and an artificial arm. It was men such as these that deserved their consideration and help. This would have been a poignant event for Thomas McConnell as one of his sons, Reginald Brian McConnell, was Killed in Action on 22nd January 1917, aged 18, whilst serving as a Second Lieutenant with 6th Battalion King’s Own Scottish Borderers.
It is not known whether the proposed six detached homes were constructed but a further two cottages had been erected by the Golfers’ Union of Ireland (Ulster Branch) and handed over to the Belfast Branch of the Institute in July 1922. Two Ulster golfers, Mr Briggs and Mr Walsh, formed a scheme to raise money from the golfing community for the Prisoners of War Fund and, in February 1919, the Northern Whig reported that £600 (£32,400 in current terms) to, Build and permanently Endow for cost of upkeep a Cottage to be known as the “Golfers’ Cottage” for a permanently disabled married soldier.
These cottages were provided free of rent and taxes (unlike the cottages administered by the Irish Sailors and Soldiers Land Trust) and contained three rooms, scullery, bathroom (with hot and cold water) and a lavatory. In this image, from the Belfast Telegraph (4th July 1922), a plaque of some description adorns the front wall between the two cottages and possibly bore the inscription, “Golfers’ Cottages”.
As the cottages do not exist any longer, it has been difficult to identify their exact location. The 1919 newspaper article referred to above said that the cottages were built at the junction of the Newtownbreda and Saintfield Roads, within a few yards of the Ormeau tram terminus. However, this description is misleading. In the early 1920s, the Newtownbreda Road ran from the Ormeau Road junction with Church Road before veering right at the start of the Saintfield Road. This section of roadway later became part of the Saintfield Road. The Ormeau Tram Terminus was located near the junction of the Ormeau Road, Hampton Park and Galwally Park. The 1951 Belfast Street Directory for Church Road records that the cottages were the first houses listed on the same side as Knockbreda Parish Church and the Graveyard. The OSNI Historical Fourth Edition map shows eight semi-detached dwellings in the corner bounded by Church Road and Newtownbreda Road (now Saintfield Road). This map shows a space in which the 1924 cottages would be built. It is, I think, safe to assume that this was the location of the cottages built for disabled ex-servicemen.
In the Belfast Street Directories, eight cottages were recorded as “Soldiers’ Cottages” and two as “Golfers’ Cottages” but each of the ten cottages bore the name of a battle from the Great War – Bailleul, Thiepval, Cambrai, Messines, Beaumont Hamel, St Quentin, Jutland, Courtrai, Mons and Ypres.
Part Two of this article will deal with the stories of some of the men who lived in these houses in the 1920s (as recorded in the 1926 Belfast Street Directory).
If readers have any old photographs of the cottages covered by this article or have any information about the men who lived in any of the cottages built for veterans of the Great War, History Hub Ulster and Nigel Henderson would like to hear from you.
Read about the occupants of these houses in Part 2 by clicking here.
Fermanagh’s Homes for Heroes in the 1920s Talk: Lisbellaw Methodist Church Hall on Thursday 12th March at 7:30pm
Over recent years we have remembered and commemorated the events of the First World War and men and women who lost their lives in that terrible conflict. However, what about the men and women who returned home?
In November 1919, the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, made a speech in which he declared that the battle was on to make the country, “a land fit for heroes to live in”. In 1919, the Irish (Provision for Sailors and Soldiers) Land Act was passed and it established a system whereby ex-servicemen could be allocated land or cottages. The story of the ex-servicemen’s “colony” on Cleenish Island has been well documented but the history of the cottages built for ex-servicemen in County Fermanagh has not received comparable attention.
Nigel Henderson, a researcher with History Hub Ulster, is documenting the 1,252 cottages built in Northern Ireland between 1921 and 1939 and is researching the stories of the men who lived in those cottages. Nigel, who will be giving a talk about this scheme for the Lisbellaw and South Fermanagh World War One Society on 12th March, explains:
“Seventy-seven cottages were built in Fermanagh between 1921 and 1927 and most were the Type 2 Cottage (as depicted), which had a Floor Area of 664 square feet and had a living room, bedroom, larder and scullery on the ground floor and two bedrooms on the first floor. Each house had a large amount of ground to enable the occupants to grow fruit and vegetables and to keep chickens and small livestock.
Whilst I have identified the actual locations of most of the cottages, there are some that are still to be identified and so I am appealing for help from people in Fermanagh. In preparing material for the talk, some fascinating stories have come to light.
For example, John Watson and Henry Creighton were the occupants of the semi-detached cottages in Pubble townland. Both men had enlisted with the North Irish Horse in 1912 at the same time and both were deployed to France with C Squadron on 20th August 1914, seeing action in the retreat from Mons and advance to the Aisne. They were both awarded disability pensions after the war.
Another example is the occupants of the cottages in the Ardunshin townland. Martin Fitzgerald, who had served for 12 years with the Connaught Rangers between 1894 and 1906, re-enlisted for war service in 1914 at the age of 40. He contracted malaria whilst serving in Salonika with the 10th (Irish) Division. His neighbour in the adjacent cottage was Robert Ferguson who had already served with the Irish Guards for nearly ten years when he was deployed to France in August 1914. He was 35 when he was transferred to the Class Z Army Reserve on 31st March 1920. Whilst Martin was a Roman Catholic and Robert was a Protestant, I would suggest that their common experience of the war overcame their religious or political differences. The stories of these men, and of the men who lived in the ex-servicemen’s cottages across Northern Ireland, are worthy of being documented and remembered.”
Brian Johnson, Chairman of the Lisbellaw and South Fermanagh World War One Society, adds: “Nigel has given several talks to our members over the years and they have always been well-researched and interesting. I have no doubt that the talk in March will be informative on this forgotten part of our common history and I invite people with an interest in Fermanagh’s local history to come along to Lisbellaw Methodist Church Hall on Thursday 12th March at 7:30pm.”
We would like your assistance in tracing 2 small metal plaques that used to be on the gates to the North Pier in Bangor now known as Eisenhower Pier. Contact us if you know where there are.
History Hub Ulster researchers were successful a few years ago in tracing the missing War Memorial from the former Elmwood Presbyterian Church, University Road, Belfast.
Public representatives have been asked to assist with the Eisenhower Pier query on a few occasions in the past. Our latest quest was via Councillor Peter Martin who kindly contacted council officials. Unfortunately, the answer remains the same: “… no one knows where the signs went …”. Peter has given his permission for the council response to be published with officials’ names redacted.
To celebrate and mark the end of the First World War, a Bank Holiday was declared in Britain, having been decided by a committee chaired by Lord Curzon, foreign secretary (Gazette issue 28547):
‘We, considering that, with a view to the more wide-spread and general celebration of the Conclusion of Peace, it is desirable that Saturday, the Nineteenth day of July instant, should be observed as a Bank Holiday and as a Public Holiday throughout the United Kingdom’
Though November 1918 had marked the end of fighting on the Western Front, negotiations were to continue at the Paris Peace Conference until 1920, with the ‘high and tremendous task of settling the peace terms’ (Gazette issue 31223). The Treaty of Versailles was not signed until June 1919 (Gazette issue 31427).
were nearing their end and ‘proper peace’ was within sight, a peace committee
was set up with the intention of deciding how Britain would
publically mark the end of the war and do justice to the widespread
feelings of jubilation.
The committee first
met on 9th May 1919. Its members,
led by Curzon, at first considered a 4-day August celebration,
including a river pageant. But this was
simplified and reduced to a single day on 19th July, under the perhaps more
reserved direction of David Lloyd George, prime minister (Gazette issue
prevailing mood was in the main triumphant, the proposal of a day of
celebration and victory parade attracted some criticism from those who felt
that the money would be better spent supporting returning servicemen who faced
physical and mental injuries, and who needed work and a place to live. The Unemployment Insurance Act of 1920 (Gazette issue
32118) attempted to address this by raising the amount of
contributions given and the number of workers who could claim.
Peace Day 1919
(The Gazette, 6th July 1919)
On the morning of the 19th, thousands gathered in London, having arrived overnight. It was a spectacle never seen before, with nearly 15,000 troops taking part in the victory parade, led by Allied commanders Pershing (head of the US Expeditionary Force), Foch (Allied supreme commander) and Haig (British Commander in Chief), who saluted fallen comrades. Bands played, and the central parks of London hosted performances and entertained the crowds.
That morning, King George V issued a message: ‘To these, the sick and wounded who cannot take part in the festival of victory, I send out greetings and bid them good cheer, assuring them that the wounds and scars so honourable in themselves, inspire in the hearts of their fellow countrymen the warmest feelings of gratitude and respect.’
A monument to those
killed and wounded was unveiled in Whitehall, to mark the end point of the
victory parade, soon to be decorated with flower wreaths. Architect Sir Edwin Lutyens (Gazette issue
30607) was commissioned by Lloyd George at the start
of the month to design the monument, and had just 2 weeks to create a piece
befitting of the memory of the fallen. Though
it was a temporary wood and plaster construction, another made from Portland
stone was to replace it in 1920, which still stands today.
Though the main spectacle was in London, other celebrations organised by local authorities and communities took place in cities, towns and villages across the country.
There was very little time to organise official Peace Day
celebrations. Following on from the government
announcement in May 1919, cities and towns in Ulster formed committees to agree
how peace would be celebrated.
Newspaper articles in the Belfast
News Letter of 11th July 1919 detailed the initial plans for some of the
places in Ulster:
Antrim – It was
agreed by the organising committee that Antrim’s peace celebrations would be on 19th
August. School children would be
entertained in Fir Field (courtesy of Lord Massereene) with sports and other
amusements. The local inhabitants are to
be asked to decorate and illuminate their houses.
Ballymoney – The
local committee decided that the celebrations in Ballymoney would be on 19th
August. There would be sports in the
park, confined to ex-soldiers. In the
evening, there would be a dance at the Town Hall followed by a torchlight
Belfast – Belfast
Corporation agreed that a grant of £6,000 be authorised. The celebrations would take place during the
first week in August. The Corporation’s General
Purposed Committee would work with the Citizens Committee. It was emphasised that Belfast should not lag
behind in spending lavishly on peace celebrations. Belfast would give a reception to all Ulster
soldiers and sailors who had served.
There would be entertainment also for children and old people. All creeds and classes should be
included. Local clergymen advised that
they would be willing to cooperate with the Citizens Committee.
Coleraine – A huge
procession is planned with the Urban Council members, ex-soldiers, the Boys’
Brigade, Girl Scouts, Girl Guides, Fire Brigade, local athletic clubs, trade
societies and school children taking part.
There would be sports events at Anderson Park with school children being
entertained. The inmates of the
workhouse will be granted extra fare.
Dromore – A meeting
of residents agreed that there would be a parade of school children, similar to
that on Empire Day. Discharged men,
demobilised men, local bands would also take part in the parade. An athletic sports day would be organised.
Gilford – The
Gilford celebrations would take place on 19th August. There would be a cricket match, a procession,
a fancy dress parade, a concert, and bonfires amongst the festivities. School children will be entertained at
Moyallon House (courtesy of Mr and Mrs Richardson).
Lurgan – Lurgan
selected 2nd August for their celebrations.
A subscription list is to be opened to raise funds. £200 will be committed from local rates.
Newcastle – It was
agreed that 600 school children will be entertained at the Mill field (courtesy
of Lady Mabel Annesley). The town is to
be illuminated at night.
Portadown – The town
is to be decorated. Returned soldiers
and school children will be entertained.
The Town Council will donate a reasonable sum to supplement public
Portrush – A comprehensive programme of celebrations was agreed. There would be a parade of ex-soldiers, school children and others. In addition, the Blue Pool and Harbour would be the venues for free bathing. The committee will provide dinner for the ex-soldiers and tea for the school children, who will also get free rides on the hobby-horse
A week later on 19th July 1919,
advertisements for the events would be published in the Belfast News Letter:
Belfast is to
celebrate peace officially on Friday & Saturday, 8th & 9th August. The Lord Mayor requests that [today] the official
day [London and the rest of GB] 19th July should also be recognised with a
military procession and citizens displaying flags and other emblems of victory
Friday & Saturday, 8th & 9th August are to be regarded as
peace holidays say the Belfast Chamber of Commerce.
The Childrens Victory Excursion – donations are requested for the
Poor Children’s Holiday Fund by the Rev R M Ker, Grosvenor Hall, Belfast.
The first list of subscriptions to Belfast Peace Celebrations and
Reception are published with the sum of £2,760 being subscribed.
The route of to-Day’s Military Pageant was publicised. The procession would leave Victoria Barracks
via Clifton Street, Donegall Street, Royal Avenue, Castle Place, High Street,
Victoria Street, Chichester Street, Donegall Square North (with a Salute being
taken at the city centre platform), Bedford Street, Dublin Road, Shaftesbury
Square, University Road and into Botanic Gardens Park where the troops will be entertained
Reports of Saturday’s events were detailed in the Belfast News Letter of 21st July 1919 and 22nd July 1919:
Antrim – On
Saturday there was a parade formed of mobilised and demobilised soldiers, 150
in number. At the rear of the military
fell in over 1,000 school children of all denominations under their respective
teachers. In a display in Massereene
Park, there was an unmistakable spirit of joyousness associated with the observance,
as one would expect to find in that loyal centre [Antrim]. From whatever standpoint, the project may be looked at, Antrim proved itself a
thoroughly exemplary community. All
combined as one family in celebrating the peace that the world had so much
longed for, and they were one also in doing honour to the memory of the
Armagh’s event had been postponed from 19th to 26th inst. However, on Saturday the Cathedral bells rang
at noon and successful sports were held at Milford and Loughgall.
Ballycastle – A wreath
was placed on the Roll of Honour at the courthouse.
Ballyclare – All the
children from the town and surrounding districts paraded with ex-soldiers
marched to ‘Craig Hill’. To mark the
occasion each child was given a coin of
1919 as a souvenir.
Ballymena – The
town presented a more imposing spectacle with huge streamers of bunting
fluttering in the breeze at all the principal squares of the town. The Castle grounds were thrown open to the
public. Many school children marched in a procession with
the demobilised soldiers. A sports
programme and fireworks display ended the evening.
Ballymoney – Upwards
of 150 were entertained to supper, and an attractive concert followed.
Banbridge – Each
child was presented with a miniature Union Jack, and also with an ornamental
plaque containing the flags of the Allies.
Bangor – There
were scenes of enthusiasm, gaiety and animation as thousands of people
promenaded the streets, happy and care free, and proud of the knowledge that
Bangor had nobly done its duty, in war as well as in peace. It was estimated that some 2,500 children
assembled at the Esplanade and marched, accompanied by bands to Ward Park where
Peace Medals bearing the inscription
‘To commemorate the Victorious
conclusion of the Great War’ were presented to the little ones by Miss
Belfast – The
newspaper reporter described the Military Parade as a ‘route march’ with around
1,100 men taking part. It was anticipated
that there would be a much larger parade on 9th August. This parade will be composed of Ulstermen or
men who have served in Ulster regiments.
The troops parading on Saturday included a large number of recruits, but there
were also many men who wore the British War Medal and other decorations.
Belfast – In a
report entitled ‘Rejoicings in the Workhouse’, the Board of Guardians placed
£350 at the disposal of a committee to provide a sumptuous tea, large
quantities of fruit, and sweets, pipes, tobacco, snuff and suitable prizes in a
Belfast – In a
report entitled ‘Treat for Hospital Patients’.
The Lady Mayoress visited the Ulster Eye, Ear and Throat Hospital,
Clifton Street; the Hospital for Children and Women, Templemore Avenue; the
Children’s Hospital, Queen Street and entertained the whole of the patients to
tea, in addition to presenting gifts to the children. Her kindness helped make ‘Peace Day’
Clones – A
parade of ex-servicemen to Hilton Park.
Shooting competitions and other sports took place. A splendid firework display in the Diamond.
Demobilised soldiers were entertained to lunch at Clogher Park. Procession of ex-soldiers and school children
of all the neighbouring schools.
Coleraine – A large
detachment of discharged and demobilised soldiers and sailors took the lead of
a fine procession, followed by the members of the Boys’ Brigade, V.A.D.,
industrial concerns, sports’ club, Masonic lodges, and immense numbers of
school children. The streets were
thickly lined with spectators, and the houses along the route were handsomely
decorated, although no public scheme was undertaken. Several bonfires ended the evening.
Following a parade, the chairman of the urban council welcomed the men home and
thanked them in the name of the town for what they had achieved. A decorated cycle parade, football, other
sports, bands and a huge bonfire ended the night.
Derry – Derry’s
Victory March. The day was observed in
Londonderry in loyal and enthusiastic fashion.
Business establishments were closed and the day regarded as one of
general holiday and universal rejoicing.
A victory march through the city by discharged and demobilised soldiers
and sailors and men of the Mercantile Marine.
The men marched to a field at Boom Hall.
A sports programme ended the evening.
Downpatrick – The
Celebration Committee carried out an elaborate programme at the grounds of the
Downpatrick Cricket Club where a gymkhana and band promenade afforded enjoyment
to over 4,000 people. A concert party
and dancing ended the evening.
Dromore – At an
early hour the bells of the cathedral rang out a merry peal. and the sounding
of factory horns proclaimed the glad event.
There was a procession of ex-soldiers and school children, accompanied
by local bands. to a field at the Old Bishop’s Demesne.
Dungannon – The
celebrations were of a slight nature.
Only a few shops were closed.
Childrens sports and other forms of rejoicing took place in Newmills and
Enniskillen – In a
gala day at Enniskillen there was a grand Victory parade followed by athletic
sports, a bicycle carnival and dancing on the Fort Hill. Bonfires ended the evening.
Gilford – A
cricket match between the district and the boys at Rockford School took
place. A procession of some 500 children
made its way to Moygallon House where they were entertained. A fancy dress cycle parade followed. Sports, open-air concert and bonfires ended
Joy-Bells at Larne. There was an early
start at 8:00 am for the ringing of church bells for 5 minutes. followed by the
sounding of factory hooters, engine horns and sirens. A United Thanksgiving Service was followed by
a parade and march past of ex-service and serving men. School children assembled at the Market Yard
where souvenir medals were distributed.
A sports event and fireworks ended the evening.
District – In addition to a luncheon to hundreds of ex-soldiers, there was
a procession of school children, many hundreds strong who were marched to Roe
Park, where they were entertained. In
the evening many bonfires blazed on the hills encircling the Roe Valley.
Lisburn – A
formal celebration would be held early next month.
Lurgan – Peace
Day celebrations have been fixed for 2nd August.
Magherafelt – A
procession of ex-servicemen accompanied by the local Scout band made their way
to a field beside the railway station.
Sports were held and tea was distributed to the children and
Monaghan – A march
of the demobilised and discharged soldiers, sports, and an entertainment of
schoolchildren took place in Rosamore Park.
Newcastle – All the
principal shops were closed and the town was bedecked with flags. A children’s march with a local pipe band
marched to the Donard Demesne where sports took place.
Newtownards – The day
started with 5 minutes of ringing of the church bells at midnight followed by
the sounding of factory hooters. Bands
paraded through the streets later in the morning, followed by a united
thanksgiving service. The main parade
took place in the afternoon. The school
children assembled at their respective schools, where souvenirs suitable to the
occasion were presented to them. The
evening ended with patriotic songs and dancing in the Square.
Omagh – In
honour of the occasion no market was held and all the business establishments
and public offices were closed. A
military pageant was held with a march past afterwards. A sports carnival with an attendance of about
5,000 was followed in the evening by a grand fancy dress cycle parade,
torchlight procession and fireworks.
Portadown – Peace
was celebrated by the inhabitants of Portadown with great cordiality. About 700 demobilised soldiers were
entertained to luncheon in the Town Hall.
In the afternoon, an imposing procession of the demobilised soldiers and
over 4,000 school children was accompanied through the town by bands. A fancy dress parade with prizes and tea for
the children followed by sports events at the Show Grounds.
Portrush – In
Portrush there was a day of joy and thanksgiving. The famous North Antrim watering-place never,
perhaps, looked so brilliant. Flags,
streamers, and bunting in almost endless variety fluttered gaily in the breeze,
and loyal emblems were everywhere worn.
A grand procession headed by a military band, followed by sailors,
soldiers, ex-servicemen, a St John’s Ambulance detachment Church Lads, school
children, people in fancy dress, decorated jaunting cars, motors, vans,
bicycles with thousands of cheering spectators lining the route. One of the bicycles was a very smart
representation of an aeroplane. In the
afternoon was a free matinee at the Main Street Picture House supplemented by a
concert. A great sports meeting with a
fireworks display at Ramore Head followed in the evening.
Portstewart – A
procession was formed at the harbour that included a Scottish pipe band and
Portstewart fishermen. School children
were given a treat with free rides on the swing-boats and hobbyhorses. A social evening and a bonfire ended the day.
Tandragee – A fancy
dress parade, a most successful sports programme, a procession and a bonfire
made up the celebrations.
Warrenpoint – The
town was gay with flags and bunting when festivities commence in the
afternoon. The local Boy Scouts were
presented with new colours. Various
exhibitions of physical and ambulance strength, and Morris dancing were given
by the Scouts. An impressive ceremony of
the saluting of the flags of the Allies took place in the afternoon. The evening consisted of a grand patriotic
concert in the gardens followed by
illuminations and a water pageant on the sea front.
On 26th July 1919, more
advertisements for events would be published in the Belfast News Letter:
Belfast – The
second list of public subscriptions was published and added to £2,760
previously collected, brings the total to £4,010.
Advertisement – Civic Reception and Review of Ulster Troops, August 9th,
1919. A reception in the form of (1) a
march past his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant (2) Public Dinner to all taking
part in the march-past (3) Presentation of a Memento to all taking part in the
march-past. Free railway warrants to
everyone qualified to take part to Belfast from within the boundaries of
Belfast – A Miss
Mary E Cunningham intimated at the Catering Sub-Committee that she would give
all the luncheon guests cigarettes out of the ‘Welcome Home’ Fund.
An advertisement on behalf of Belfast Lord Mayor appeared in the Belfast News Letter of 9th August 1919
outlining the route of the Belfast parade later that day. Streets would be closed for vehicular traffic
on the said 9th August from 10:30 am till 3 o’clock pm.
Antrim Road from Fortwilliam Park to Carlisle Circus, Carlisle
Circus, Clifton Street, Donegall Street, Royal Avenue, Castle Place, High
Street, Victoria Street, Chichester Street, Donegall Square North, Donegall
Square West, Bedford Street, Ormeau Avenue, Ormeau Road to Ormeau Park.
The Belfast News Letter of
Saturday 9th August 1919 prepared its readers for today’s Victory Parade:
Following 12,000 children being entertained in Belfast parks yesterday [Friday]
as the inauguration of the peace festivities, today there will be a great march
of 36,000 men and women who served their country during the war. Citizens are displaying tremendous enthusiasm
and they are determined to give their guests a reception worthy of the great
cause they played. Along the route the
streets are decorated with bunting and flags and practically every street
within the boundaries of the city has its own array of patriotic emblems. The feeding of such a large number of adults
is a stupendous task with 1,500 ladies giving their services as
waitresses. Yesterday the Corporation
agreed to double its financial contribution to £12,000.
The Belfast Evening Telegraph of
Saturday 9th August 1919 wrote:
Ulster’s Warrior Sons. Gratitude of
Homeland. Wonderful Day in History of
Belfast. City Peace Celebrations. Viceroy Reviews Great Parade.
The wonderful response to the invitation to take part in the great
march to Ormeau Park was a revelation even to patriotic Belfast. Over 73,000 men joined the Army in Ulster,
not to speak of the Navy. Many are still
serving. Many are dead. Many were not available from various
causes. Yet instead of the 20,000
originally arranged for there were 36,000 notifications from demobilised men
that would accept the hospitality of the Citizens Committee.
And who had more right to be proud of this day that
Ulstermen? They played a notable part in
the war from beginning to end. Their
deeds will live for ever in the story of the great war. Volumes could be written concerning them.
From an early hour the railway termini of the city presented a
busy, bustling aspect. Thanks to those
citizens who responded and placed their motor cars at the service of the
wounded or limbless heroes. The bulk of
the provincial contingent travelled over the Great Northern Railway, the
numbers aggregating close on 10,000.
They included representatives from Donegal and Fermanagh. York Street experienced the same and the
County Down system had many special trains.
The Belfast News Letter of Monday
11th August 1919 wrote:
Headlines – Ulster
Salutes the Dawn of Peace. Memorable
Parade of War Heroes. Scenes of
Enthusiasm in Belfast. Homage to Our
Immortal Dead. A Moving and
Saturday was a red-letter day in Belfast. In celebration of the signing of the Peace
Treaty, troops from all parts of Ulster took part in a march through the
central thoroughfares of the city, and
at the City Hall the salute was taken by the Lord Lieutenant
(Field-Marshal Viscount French, K.P.).
The marching was perfect in smoothness and precision.
Near the City Hall a cenotaph was erected, and this monument was
saluted by the whole of the officers as they approached it. A wreath of flowers was placed on the
cenotaph by a detachment of the troops, and subsequently a large number of
other memorial tokens were deposited on it.
At the outbreak of the war, the Guinness Brewery at St. James’s Gate was the world’s largest brewery. The company actively encouraged its workers to enlist for war service and an article on the Herald.ie website in February 2015 estimated that a fifth of the Guinness workforce served. Like many other industrial and commercial concerns, the company guaranteed that the jobs of men enlisting for war service would be there for them on their return. However, Guinness went further, and paid half of the men’s ordinary wages to their families during every week in which they were engaged in the conflict.
After the war, those men who returned expressed their gratitude to the
company for its philanthropic attitude by presenting the Directors with an
illuminated address on 16th February 1920.
A duplicate address was prepared to enable a number of employees, who had
not had the opportunity to subscribe to the address in the first instance, to
similarly express their thanks. The two
addresses were installed in the Board Room at St. James’ Gate in Dublin.
The company subsequently produced a parchment Roll of Honour and a Roll
of Honour book in which the names of 645 employees who served in the Great War
are listed by Department. 104 Guinness
employees (16% of those who enlisted) died, with 96 being killed in action or
dying of wounds. One of the Roll of
Honour books is on display at the Museum of Orange Heritage in Belfast.
Two of the company’s directors served in the Great War. Captain Edward Guinness, Viscount Elveden,
served with the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve and was an Aide de Camp to His
Majesty King George V from 1916 to 1918.
Lieutenant-Colonel, the Honourable Walter Edward Guinness served with
the Duke of York’s Own Loyal Suffolk Hussars and was awarded the Distinguished
Service Order (with Bar) and was Mentioned in Despatches on three occasions.
The company had its own steamers for making deliveries to Great Britain and one ship was lost to enemy action. The SS “W M Barkley” was built by the Ailsa Shipbuilding Company of Troon in 1898 for William M Barkley & Sons (coal merchants, steamship owners and agents) of Wellington Place in Belfast but was later sold to John Kelly & Company before being purchased by Guinness in 1913. On 12th October 1917, the SS “W M Barkley” was transporting a cargo of stout from Dublin to Liverpool when she was torpedoed by German submarine UC-75 and sank seven miles east of the Kish lightvessel. Five men from the crew of 14 were lost and their names are commemorated on the Tower Hill Memorial in London. Whilst the Guinness Genealogy Archive lists all five men as employees of the company, only Able Seaman Ernest Arthur Kendall (40) of Meany Place in Dalkey is listed in the Guinness Roll of Honour. The other fatalities were Ship’s Master, Edward Gregory (46) of Meadows Lane in Arklow, First Engineer Alexander Corry (48) of Victoria Villas in Dublin (who is commemorated on family memorials in Belfast City Cemetery and Movilla Cemetery in Newtownards), Second Engineer Owen Francis Murphy (27) of South Main Street in Wexford and Fireman Thomas Murphy (29) of Lower Sheriff Street in Dublin.
Another anomaly on the Guinness Roll of Honour is William Geoghegan, who
had joined the company in 1889 at the age of 24 and worked as a labourer in the
Brewhouse Department. He is listed as a
Sergeant with 8th Battalion Royal Dublin Fusiliers and he had given his age as
52 when enlisting in October 1914. He was
discharged as “unlikely to make an efficient soldier” on 21st
November 1914 and died of pulmonary tuberculosis at his home address in Dublin on
22nd February 1916. The Register of Deaths records his age as 51 and his
occupation as “Sergeant R.D.F.”.
However, he is not listed as a war fatality by Commonwealth War Graves
Commission as he was not a serving soldier and his death was not attributable
to war service.
The first Guinness employee to die was Private Thomas McDonagh, 1st
Battalion Irish Guards, who died of wounds at Coulommiers on 8th September 1914
at the age of 25 and is commemorated on La Ferte-sous-Jouarre Memorial in
France. The Guinness Genealogy Archive records that Thomas
McDonagh was born on 30th May 1889 and had joined the company as a cleaner in
the Engineer’s Department on 13th November 1911. He left the company on 5th August 1914, being
recalled from the Army Reserve, and was deployed to France on 13th August 1914.
He was a son of Thomas McDonagh and the
husband of Elsie McDonagh, later of 24 Pancras Square in London.
The last Guinness war fatality was Private James Kennedy, 1st Battalion
Royal Dublin Fusiliers, who died of influenza at a Military Hospital in
Shropshire on 9th April 1919, aged 31, and is buried in the Dean’s Grange
Cemetery in Dublin. The Guinness
Genealogy Archive records that James Kennedy was born on 19th March 1888,
joined the company as a labourer at the Cooke’s Lane Maltings on 18th July 1911
and left on 27th March 1915. He was stationed
at Victoria Barracks in Cork when he married Ellen Doyle of Montpellier Parade
in Blackrock on 4th September 1915. He was deployed to the Western Front after
31st December 1915.
The Guinness Roll of Honour records
that 47 employees received gallantry awards during the war, with several men
receiving multiple awards:
Service Order awarded to three men (four awards in total)
Conduct Medal awarded to eight men
awarded to nine men
awarded to 16 men
18 men were “Mentioned
in Despatches” (25 awards in total)
Three men were
awarded the Croix-de-Guerre.
Two employees serving with the Irish Guards are recorded as having
received the Distinguished Service Medal (DSM).
However, the United Kingdom only issued DSMs to naval personnel in the
Great War. It is possible that Henry
Corrin (a fitter in the Engineer’s Department) and George Woods (a Gate Porter
in the Brewhouse Department) were awarded DSMs by the United States of America.
Four men were awarded the Meritorious Service Medal and Captain Trevor Crotty, Royal Army Service Corps, was made a Member of the Order of the British Empire. Major Edward Gordon Peake, Royal Engineers, and Major Frank Douglas Stevens, Royal Air Force, were made Officers of the Order of the British Empire and Major John Lumsden, Royal Army Medical Corps, was made a Knight of the Order of the British Empire.
One of the Guinness men to be awarded the Military Cross was James Plowman. He was born at Skerton in Lancashire on 15th September 1890 to Louis Plowman and Eliza Thomas, being the second of their seven children. Their third child was born in Dublin in 1892 at which time Louis Plowman was employed as a Coach Painter for the Great South Western Railway. James Plowman joined Guinness as a Fitter in the Engineer’s Department on 9th June 1913. The family was living at St. Patrick’s Terrace in the New Kilmainham district when James married Isabella Small of Rosemount Terrace in the Arbour’s Hill district on 29th July 1914 in St Paul’s Church of Ireland. The Guinness Genealogy Archive records that James left the company on 6th August 1914. He was deployed to France with the South Irish Horse on 17th August, receiving a commission with the Leinster Regiment on 28th August 1915. James Plowman was awarded the Military Cross for an act of gallantry in June 1917, the citation being published in the London Gazette on 9th January 1918. Captain James Plowman MC was serving with 2nd Battalion Leinster Regiment when he died of wounds on 29th April 1918, aged 27, and he is buried in the Cinq Rues British Cemetery at Hazebrouck in France.
History Hub Ulster acknowledges the assistance of Dr Jonathan Mattison in providing access to the Roll of Honour book to photograph and transcribe the contents. A copy of our transcription and the photographs of the pages have been provided to the Museum so that visitors can access the information whilst preserving the integrity of the artefact.
The first outbreak of
influenza in the province of Ulster visited the towns of Belfast, Lurgan,
Portadown and Londonderry during June 1918, causing havoc as businesses had to
close or function on reduced staff.
Services were disrupted throughout these towns. In other Ulster towns such as Larne,
Clones, Cookstown, Newry and the county of Donegal, their main influenza
outbreaks occurred during the second and third waves in the autumn of 1918 and
spring of 1919.
In Ulster, as elsewhere in Ireland and Great
Britain, it was the local authorities and their Medical Officers of Health that
responsibility for public health in their respective towns and cities. They
were tasked with the management of the disease at a local level. It was the Poor Law medical system of the Union infirmary
and dispensary districts – administered by the Board of guardians – that bore
the brunt of medical care. However
Local Government Board for Ireland (LGBI) controlled the activities of the
boards of guardians in relation to the administration of the dispensary medical
system, union infirmaries and fever hospitals it also controlled the
administration of the Public Health Acts by the rural, urban and County
Councils. So how
did these combined forces in Ulster respond to the public health crisis of
During the first wave the Medical Superintendent Officer of Health
for Belfast Corporation, Dr Hugh W. Bailie ordered school closures and
recommended the thorough disinfection of cinemas once or twice a day. He also
proposed sending out his public health department inspectors around their
districts to advise people on what measures they should take if they contracted
influenza. In Londonderry the main recommendation by the
corporation was school closures. This is surprising as influenza was rampant
in the city with burials at the City Cemetery reaching a record number of 50 during
the week ending 6 July 1918 and nearly 20 burials alone on Monday 8 July 1918. There was no evidence that any specific
steps were taken to prevent the spread of influenza in either Lurgan or
Portadown during the first wave. Again this is noteworthy as there were 31
influenza deaths were recorded in the town area from the middle of June until
the end of July 1918. The lacklustre response from
these local authorities during the first wave may be due to the consensus that
this outbreak of the disease was a seasonal flu and therefore unworthy of any
During the second wave, there was a more proactive
response by local authorities in Ulster towns as many of the councils took
preventative measures. A common
recommendation was the closure of day, Sunday and technical schools. It was not
a compulsory measure but in general, school managers adhered to it. However, Methodist College in Belfast
remained open during this virulent wave with tragic results. Influenza hit the
school at the end of October 1918. Student boarders contracted the flu and only
the Medical Officer, matron and headmaster of the school avoided contracting
the disease. Sadly during November, two
members of staff, George Manning and the Rev P. P O’Sullivan, as well as one of the boarders,
Oliver Crawford, aged 15 died from pneumonia following on from influenza. The Friends school in Lisburn may also have
regretted its decision to remain open.
Influenza was rife and by 31 October 1918 only 17 boarders and two
members of staff had not contracted the disease. Helen Clarke, a day pupil died on 31 October
1918. When pupils Anna Magowan and Sadie
Walsh died on 3 November and 8 November 1918 respectively, it was then decided
to close the school and send the remaining
16 pupils home. The larger dormitories
in the school acted as wards where the remaining students who were ill were
nursed. The housekeeper, Miss McCullough
and headmaster’s daughter, Frances Ridges, a student from Queen’s University,
Belfast, worked as nurses but unfortunately they both lost their lives to
influenza. The school eventually opened
again in early January 1919.
In Ulster, as with the rest of United Kingdom,
several councils singled out places of entertainment for closure and
ventilation under the pretext that people gathered there and could therefore
spread the disease. In Newry both local
cinemas closed for one week at the Medical Officer of Health’s request,
however, one of them, the Imperial, re-opened without consulting the Public
Health Authority, while the other, the Frontier, remained closed. The
Public Health authorities in Belfast, Portadown and Newtownards requested
permission from the LGBI to close cinemas in their towns. However, the LGBI advised that they
had no powers to close the cinemas, as this action was not approved in any part
of the United Kingdom.
Mass gathering of people in the cinemas,
theatres and trams were not the only cause for concern and the Irish News feared that the congregation
of huge masses of people on the streets during the armistice celebrations would
further spread the disease. It has been suggested
that an ironic impact of the war was the extra infections and deaths that
occurred as a result of the armistice celebration, where the celebrations
became the foci of new or recurring outbreaks of influenza. In Belfast the armistice
celebration occurred during the peak of the second influenza wave in the
city. Interestingly, deaths from
pneumonia – a common complication of influenza – peaked in Belfast on 23
November 1918 not long after these celebrations took place. Whether the celebrations aided this peak is
a matter for debate.
Larne and Cookstown, public notices of preventative measures were displayed in public places,
published in the local newspapers and printed on handbills for distribution. These notices recommended avoiding crowded
gatherings, good ventilation and cleanliness in homes and discouraged
spitting on the streets. Influenza
sufferers should go to bed early and remain there until completely recovered.
The Irish tradition of waking the dead came in for much criticism as it was feared that the custom would aid in the spread of infectious disease. Both Newry and Ballyclare councils produced public notices which recommended the prompt burial of influenza victims without a wake being held for the deceased. However, again there was no official central government support given to forbid the holding and attendance at wakes. Again it was not a compulsory measure but only a strong recommendation as the local Public Health Authorities had no powers to stop wakes. These were not the only towns to criticise the tradition of holding wakes In Dublin during the second wave, an Irish Times editorial complained that attending wakes of people who had died from influenza was an objectionable practice that was believed to be a fruitful cause of the spread of infection and that this custom more than anything else frustrated the efforts of the public health authorities to eradicate influenza.
There were valid objections to ‘waking the
dead’. Contemporary opinion was that infection was thought to remain in the
corpse and therefore could be spread to the living. However, there is no evidence that this was
the case with respect to the influenza virus. Waking the body in an open coffin may not
have spread the disease through the corpse.
However, anyone attending the wake who had the ‘flu could bring the
infection to a small house where many people congregated in confined
spaces. Once there it could be spread
quickly within a community.
main medical response in towns was by the Poor Law Union under the auspices of
union infirmaries and the dispensary system.
However, these institutions were unprepared for the number of influenza
patients needing treatment. During the first wave in Belfast the number of
influenza patients admitted to the union infirmary was so large that it greatly
increased the workload in the hospital and the Visiting Medial Officer, Dr Gardner
‘Never in my recollection has
the strain on the staff been so great as during the past few weeks.’ The whole staff
has worked most enthusiastically and the generous recognition of our efforts by
the Board is most appreciated by all.
Lurgan union infirmary was also under pressure and there were reports that it had
not been so full in over thirty years due to an influx of influenza sufferers. The workhouse infirmaries throughout Ireland were extremely busy. During 1918 the number of deaths in Irish
workhouses increased by 3,329 on the previous year with influenza and pneumonia
deaths rising by 2,551.
There was also a
scarcity of medical professionals as many doctors were serving at the western
front. Temporary doctors were difficult
to source for both the union infirmaries and the dispensary districts. Doctors
that were available could, in many cases, demand whatever salary they wanted
much to the annoyance of the guardians.
However these doctors were justified in requesting a higher weekly
salary as they were under severe pressure.
During 1918 the Medical officers of health worked long hours to
treat their patients, paying 100,000 more home visits during this period than
in the previous year, indicating not
only the virulence of the disease throughout Ireland but also the work pressure
that dispensary doctors were under during this pandemic.
Unsurprisingly, as the
real cause of influenza was unknown at the time and as there is still no known
cure for the disease, there
consensus among the Irish medical profession on the best treatment for, or,
prevention against the disease, which resulted in many cures and treatments
being suggested. According to Ida Milne,
some Irish doctors recommended gargling with a tincture of creosote or a
solution of permanganate of potash; calomel (as a purgative); oxygen;
stimulants (such as strychnine); some preparation of opium for sleeplessness.An article in the Armagh Guardian advised that if
attacked by influenza, the sufferer should at once take a dose of opening
medicine such as castor oil, and if possible take a hot bath and go to bed and
send for the doctor. It advised that to
work or walk off an attack is dangerous. A popular treatment choice was quinine and the
Belfast MOH, Dr Bailie recommended taking quinine tablets of between 2 and 5
grains twice daily as a tonic and preventative.
Some doctors widely endorsed the use of
alcohol in influenza cases to relieve pain and bolster strength. This treatment was so popular that in February
1919, the Dublin Public Health Committee requested the War Cabinet to call for
the immediate release of supplies of whiskey in the interests of public health. The
lack of a cure for influenza meant that people resorted to over-the-counter
cures to help treat the disease. An
immense assortment of products claimed curative or preventative powers against
influenza. Disinfection was
considered a good preventative as influenza was believed to be a bacterial
infection. Lifebuoy soap claimed to be a ‘reputable germicide and sure
nationally established disinfectant proclaimed ‘Guard against Influenza by the
daily use of Jeyes’ Fluid.’ Disinfection with Jeyes’ Fluid was one of the
recommendations of the Dublin Medical Officer of Health, Dr Charles Cameron in
dealing with influenza. Oxo and Bovril were
popular beef teas of the day and were thought to strengthen the body against
the onslaught of disease. So popular were these products that during
December 1918, a series of advertisements apologised for the shortage of Bovril
during the influenza outbreak. Bovril was considered a very important form
of nourishment during the epidemic. So much so that during November 1918 the
Belfast Guardians increased the nurses’ Bovril rations by one quarter of an
ounce per day to boost their diet to help them cope with their increased
In reality there was no cure for
influenza and traditional
nursing care provided the best and only effective treatment for the disease. However, nurses like doctors were in
short supply as many professional nurses had also volunteered for both army and
naval medical corps during the war. This situation was further exacerbated when
remaining nurses started to contract influenza themselves. In Ulster where
there were numerous reports of professional nurses being infected with
influenza during the course of their duties.
Workhouse infirmaries reported the absence of their nursing staff due to
influenza. Many nurses in the Belfast
Infirmary contracted influenza during the first and second waves and six died from
Similarly, during the second wave several nurses in the Londonderry Union
contracted influenza with two fatalities. Also during the second wave, eight nurses in
the Lurgan Union infirmary contracted influenza and two later died from the complication
The medical response during the second and third waves was similar
to that of the first. Influenza
sufferers availed of treatment and medicines through the dispensary system and
the workhouse infirmaries. The demands of war impacted on the workhouse infirmaries because in many
cases wards or entire workhouse hospitals were requisitioned for military
patients. The workhouse infirmaries were filled to capacity and
suffered from overcrowding.In
Strabane, the military acquired the workhouse for treatment of troops
just prior to the outbreak of influenza in October 1918 and most of the inmates
were sent to the Londonderry workhouse. The chairman of Strabane
council was very concerned about the lack of treatment and hospital
accommodation for the sick poor in the town.
The council eventually convinced the guardians to provide hospital
accommodation for those suffering from influenza but not before a young boy, who
was forced to lay ‘on a bed of straw and bags’, had died from influenza.
authority response to influenza in towns
like Belfast, Londonderry Lurgan and Portadown was poor but
the United Kingdom as a whole did not respond effectively to the crisis. Central government was pre-occupied by the
war and left it up to individual local authorities to deal with influenza at a
local level. In Manchester, the public
health committee—aware of the gravity of the influenza pandemic — were more
proactive. They supplied additional help to nurse and provide domestic
assistance to influenza sufferers where it was needed in the city. They also supplied food and coal for those
unable to provide the same for themselves. It has been suggested that in
Manchester public aid with food, fuel and nursing during the pandemic was of
much more value than treatment by local physicians in the city.
There is no evidence that the bigger industrial
towns such as Belfast, Londonderry and Lurgan took similar measures as
Manchester to help their citizens. Nevertheless, some Ulster towns took more concrete measures to help the
sick poor. Influenza
was rife in Newry with many people dying of the complication pneumonia. Newry council
was aware that the poor needed more substantial charitable help especially with
nutrition. The provision of nourishing food was deemed important. The council arranged for two Newry creameries to supply
sufficient quantities of free milk for distribution due to the influenza
staff of the domestic department of the Newry Technical School provided
nourishing foodstuff for the sick such as beef tea and mutton broth during their
closure. This work was discontinued on
25 November 1918 when the school re-opened.
Despite this aid, the situation in Newry was very
serious. A Relief of Distress
Fund Committee was formed to ‘consider the best means of meeting the
exceptional expenditure that has been and is being incurred by the various
charitable organisations in the relief of distress arising out of the influenza
circular was sent out inviting subscriptions to the fund and it was hoped that
a sum of at least £1,000 would be raised. The fund was
closed on to 31 December 1918 and a total £734 4s. 2d. was raised and was
allocated as follows: three-quarters (£550 13s. 2d.), to the Catholic Charitable Organisations
such as the St Vincent de Paul Society, and one quarter (£183 11s.), to the local Protestant clergymen for distribution. The fund reimbursed the St
Vincent de Paul Society for the expenditure it had already incurred in Newry,
where it had spent several hundred pounds on clothing, coal, groceries,
butter, milk and other necessities for the poor during the pandemic. This indicated that charities in the town rose to the challenges imposed by the pandemic
in a timely manner.
In Cookstown, although both the council and the
guardians made efforts to combat the pandemic, it was the middle class
population of Cookstown who made the biggest contribution in dealing with the
effects of influenza in the town. As in
Newry, a subscription list was opened and a committee was formed to look after
the sick poor in the town and dispensary district. Many local trained ladies volunteered to act
as nurses in the district offering their services for no payment. The Sick Nursing Society used the Technical
School kitchen to provide nourishing food, not only for the sick poor in the
town, but, also for those families that could afford to feed themselves but were
too sick to provide food and nurture for other family members. This was a popular service with up to 170
families in the town and district receiving this aid.
In Clones the workhouse hospital was full and doctors were working to full capacity. The Clones Relief Committee was formed to assist families incapacitated by influenza with both nourishment and nursing. The committee established a kitchen in the Town Hall and prepared and distributed soup, beef tea and porridge to those patients requiring them. The St Vincent de Paul society placed their funds at the disposal of the relief committee. The committee did not raise a public subscription in the town but instead they took action first and sought reimbursement later from the guardians for any expenses incurred.
In conclusion the
response from most local authorities in Ulster consisted of applying
preventative measures such as closing schools, producing public notices,
encouraging disinfection of factories, cinemas and public buildings. However they lacked the authority from the
central body of the LGBI to enforce recommendations such as closure of cinemas
or prevention of wakes. The boards of
guardians actively tried to obtain sufficient medical personnel to help during
the pandemic and in general adhered to the requests of their Medical Officers
of Health with respect to treatment of the disease. However public aid with food, fuel
and nursing during the pandemic could be of much more value than treatment by
local doctors. So although local guardians in Ulster actively tried
to obtain sufficient medical personnel to help during the pandemic, maybe if
they and the local councils in towns such as Belfast, Londonderry and Lurgan
looked towards the physical nourishment and welfare of the poor, then the
influenza death toll may have not been so high.
Dr. Marsh will be giving a talk entitled “The Spanish Influenza Pandemic in Antrim and Down 1918-1919” at Bangor Library on Thursday 21st February 2019 at 7.30pm, and Lisburn Road Library on Wednesday 27th February 2019 at 6.30pm 6.30 to 7.30 p.m.
Report of the
Irish Public Health Council on the public health and medical services in
Ireland [Cmd 761], H. C. 1920, xvii
2, 1075, p. 4.
 Marsh, ‘The effect of the 1918-19 influenza pandemic
on Belfast’, pp. 66-7.
Irish News, 25 June 1918;
Derry Journal, 26 June 1918;
Dungannon Democrat, 26 June 1918.
Journal, 10 July 1918; Irish News, 9 July 1918.
 Lurgan Medical Officer of
Health Report, 5 Aug. 1918 (P.R.O.N.I., Lurgan Medical Officer of Health
Report, LA/51/9D/6); Lurgan Mail, 10 Aug.
 John Watson Henderson, Methodist
College, Belfast, 1868-1938: A survey and retrospect Vol. 1 (Belfast,
1939), p. 271.
Newhouse, A History of the Friends School,
1974), pp. 90-1.
 Fred, R Van Hartesveldt, ‘Manchester’, in Fred van
Hartesveldt (ed.) The 1918-1919 Pandemic of Influenza: The Urban
Impact in the Western World (Lewiston, Queenstown, Lampeter: The Edward Mellon Press, 1992), p. 103.
Urban District Council meeting, 4 Nov. 1918 (P.R.O.N.I., Newry Urban District
Council minutes, LA58/2CA/6).
 Patricia Marsh, “‘An enormous amount of distress
among the poor’: Aid for the Poor in Ulster during the Influenza Pandemic of
1918-1919’ in Poverty and Welfare in
Ireland 1838-1948, Eds. Crossman, Virginia and Gray Peter, (IAP, 2011), pp,
Irish News, 18 Nov 1918,
Belfast News-Letter, 18 Nov 1918, Mid
Ulster Mail. 17 Nov 1918, 30 Nov. 1918 and 7 Dec. 1918.
Dr. Marsh will be giving a talk entitled “The Spanish Influenza Pandemic in Antrim and Down 1918-1919” at Bangor Library on Thursday 21st February 2019 at 7.30pm, and Lisburn Road Library on Wednesday 27th February 2019 at 6.30pm 6.30 to 7.30 p.m.
Towards the end of the First World War in June 1918, a fatal influenza epidemic not only hit troops in the western front but also the civilians throughout the world. Although the exact mortality figures are unknown, it was responsible for the deaths of more people than the First World War and in 2002 the global death toll of the pandemic was estimated to be approximately 50 million. Although called the ‘Flanders’ grippe ‘by English soldiers’; ‘Blitzkatarrh’ by the Germans; ‘the disease of the wind’ in Persia; the name it became commonly known as was the ‘Spanish Influenza.’ So why Spanish influenza? The neutrality of Spain during the First World War meant that there was no newspaper censorship in that country and consequently reports about the disease were published not only in Spanish newspapers and also in the worldwide press. The Times reported 100,000 victims in Madrid of an unknown disease responsible for 700 deaths in 10 days, which had caused disruption to public services, offices and factories. King Alfonso XIII of Spain and other leading politicians were among those afflicted. It was these reports that gave rise to the erroneous impression that influenza had originated in Spain, leading to the misnomer Spanish influenza. However, the Spanish themselves called it the soldier of Naples.
disease, however, did not originate in Spain.
One theory is that the pandemic originated as early as the winter of
1916, on the Western Front at the British Army camp at Étaples. The outbreaks
at Étaples were diagnosed at the time as purulent bronchitis but in retrospect they
showed the same symptoms as the Spanish ‘flu.
Dr Herbert French, author of the 1920 Ministry of Health Report was strongly
of the opinion that the fatal cases from purulent bronchitis were likely to be
the same as those of the pandemic. It has also been suggested that the pandemic could have originated in China and that
the movement of a very large number of workers from China to France during the
First World War might have played a part in the pandemic’s development. However
the most popular theory was that influenza started in America. The earliest
recorded outbreak of the disease was on 5 March 1918 among army recruits at
Camp Funston, Fort Riley, Kansas. By the end of March it had spread to military
training installations in several US mid-western and south eastern states and
from here it travelled with the troops on the ships to the Western Front.
Flu in Ireland
Spanish influenza struck in three concurrent waves throughout the world and Ireland was no exception with three distinct waves of influenza, which occurred in June 1918, October 1918 and February 1919. Speaking in 1920, the Registrar-General for Ireland, Sir William Thompson was of the opinion that influenza in Ireland was the worst disease of an epidemic nature since the period of the Great Famine. The death toll in Ireland was approximately 23,000, however this is a conservative estimate as not all influenza deaths in the country were registered and also some were registered incorrectly. The morbidity from the disease is more difficult to ascertain as no accurate records of incidences of influenza were kept during this period. However, Ida Milne suggests that as many as 800,000 people could have been infected in Ireland. As many as 300,000 people could have been infected in the province of Ulster, where 7,582 people were recorded as dying from influenza. However, the death toll could have been much higher.
The first recorded outbreak of Influenza in Ireland was on the United States Ship Dixie docked in Queenstown (now Cobh), however this outbreak was confined to the ship as there were no reports of ‘flu in the town. The first wave proper was reported to be principally in Belfast and other districts of the north of Ireland. First mention of influenza in the province appeared on 11 and 12 June 1918 in Belfast newspapers when a notice appeared regarding the re-opening, after influenza, of a department in James Mackie & Sons munitions factory situated in the Springfield Road. Influenza spread from Belfast across the north of Ireland probably via the rail network. Elsewhere in Ireland there were also sporadic outbreaks at towns such as Ballinasloe, Tipperary town and Athlone. It is notable that these towns were situated near army bases as the general consensus was that ‘flu was brought to Ireland with troops returned home on leave or to convalesce from wounds and then spread via the rail network.
The second wave originated in Leinster. Howth on the east coast appeared to be the entry point and was reported to be there as early as 1 October 1918. From Howth it spread to Dublin and then throughout Ireland. In Ulster influenza was first reported in the naval port of Larne on 9 October 1918. The disease did not reach Belfast until the end of October 1918. Influenza spread to most Ulster towns during this wave and this was the most virulent wave in the province. County Donegal was badly affected during this outbreak, especially the Inishowen Union District, which had the highest death rate per thousand of population in Ulster.
The third wave which started in February 1919, again originated in Leinster. It was first reported on 5 February 1919 in the Celbridge district in Co Kildare. Initial reports of influenza in Ulster during this wave were in Holywood on 6 February 1919 and it was in Belfast by 18 February 1919. Influenza visited most Ulster towns but in many such as Belfast, Lurgan, Larne, Newry and Dungannon this was a milder wave than those in 1918 and this may be because immunity was gained from previous waves. However, Dublin county and borough suffered severely during all three waves of the disease. County Donegal was again severely affected with a higher mortality during the third wave in 1919 than in both waves during 1918. This was also the case with other counties in the west of the country such as Mayo, Sligo and Galway.
There was an unusual age
distribution for this pandemic as it targeted young adults in particular. Normally influenza kills the very young and
the very old but Spanish influenza showed an unusual age distribution of
deaths. Although there
was still high mortality for the very young and very old there was also a very
high mortality for the age group between 15 and 44. In England and Wales
mortality was concentrated among those aged
20 to 40 and especially those 25 to 35. It has been suggested that this peculiarity
helped to produce Britain’s ‘lost generation’ caused by not only from the high
mortality among young men killed due to the war but also from influenza on the
In Ireland 55.5% of all influenza deaths in 1918 were of those aged between 15 and 45. In 1919 more than 58% of the total influenza mortality was between the ages of 20 and 65. Figure 1 is a graphical representation of the age-specific influenza death rates for Ireland comparing 1918 and 1919. It shows that the age-specific death rates for Ireland followed the global trend of targeting young adults and that during 1918 it was those aged 25 to 35 who suffered the highest mortality of any age group. The Irish figures also show that infants under one year were also at particular risk during the pandemic. This was hardly surprising as, even without epidemic disease, the urban areas of Ireland such as Dublin and Belfast suffered from one of the highest infant mortality rates in the United Kingdom due to infection and poor diet.
was the pandemic so detrimental to 25 to 35 age-group?
One theory was that elderly people had gained immunity to the 1918-19 pandemic due to previous exposure to the influenza epidemic of 1847-48 which may have been caused by a similar H1 virus. Another is that young adults were more likely to attempt to work through illness, thus maximizing their risk of succumbing to influenza. It has also been suggested that many of the age group 20-45 had been soldiers living in miserable conditions on the western front which would have lowered their immunity, but the same death rates were seen in young people in countries unaffected by the war. However, the answer may lie in a scientific study that took place in 2007, which suggested that the strong immune systems of young adults overreacted to the 1918 virus causing this particular age group to be at the most risk during the pandemic.
Public Health Committee meeting, 6 Feb 1919 (P.R.O.N.I.,
Holywood Urban District Council minutes, LA/38/9AA/3)
Belfast Board of Guardians meeting, 18 Feb. 1919
(P.R.O.N.I., Belfast Union minutes, BG/7/A/101).
Andrew Noymer and Michel Garenne,
‘The 1918 influenza epidemic’s effects on sex differentials in mortality in the
United States’, in Population and Development Review, 26:3 (2000), pp.
 Herbert French, ‘The clinical features of the influenza
epidemic 1918-19,’ pp. 90-1.
 Niall Johnson, Britain
and the 1918-19 influenza pandemic: A dark epilogue, (London/New York,
2006), p. 84.
 Thompson, ‘Mortality from influenza in Ireland’, p.
detailed annual report of the Registrar-General (Ireland), p. xvi.
 Mortality figures
calculated from Fifty-fifth detailed
annual report of the Registrar-General (Ireland), p xvi and Fifty-sixth detailed annual report of the Registrar-General (Ireland),
 Ruth Barrington, Health,
medicine and politics in Ireland 1900-1970 (Dublin, 1987), p. 75.
 Christopher Langford, ‘The age
pattern of mortality in the 1918-19 influenza pandemic: An
attempted explanation based on data for England and Wales’, in Medical History, 46 (2002), p. 15. Ann H.
Reid, Jeffery K. Taubenberger, Thomas G. Fanning, ‘The 1918 Spanish influenza:
Integrating history and biology’, in Microbes and Infection,3 (2001), p. 83.
 Johnson, Britain
and the 1918-19 influenza Pandemic, p. 88.
and Fanning, ‘The 1918 Spanish influenza’, p. 83.
 Kerri Smith, ‘Concern as revived
1918 flu virus kills monkeys’, in Nature,
445 (18 Jan. 2007), p. 23.
Following the Great War Armistice signed on 11th November 1918 various peace treaties were signed during 1919. These culminated in a series of ‘Peace Rally’s’ throughout the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland during August 1919.
History Hub Ulster are offering for sale a ‘1919 – 2019 Peace Day’ commemorative lapel badge. Designed for History Hub Ulster by John McCormick, antique brass finish, measuring 35mm x 25mm with 2 pins & clasps on reverse.
Cost is as follows. Postage will be by 1st class.
1 to 5: £3.50 each plus £1 p&p (max)
6 to 10 maximum: £3.00 each plus £1 p&p (max)
any number collected: £3.00 each
Wesley Watson was born in Co Armagh in 1852, coming from a family with wide ranging interests in linen bleaching and manufacture.
In 1886, he entered into partnership with William Mercer and Robert McCrum, to form a linen manufacturing firm styled as McCrum, Watson & Mercer: the company being based in Milford, Co Armagh. It was formerly known as MessrsRobert McCrum & Co, as it was his father, William, who built the village of Milford to accommodate the workers of the mill that had been established in 1808. It produced high quality linen damask, napkins, towels and sheeting.
The company was immensely successful from its inception having been credited as being the first in Ireland to use the dry spinning system using water power. The founder’s son Robert Garmany McCrum (1829-1915) built Milford House, a magnificent Italianate mansion on the outskirts of the village, and appears to have been the partner most involved in the day to day running of the business.
In 1894, McCrum, Watson and Mercer became a limited liability company with members of the management (including Watson) becoming shareholders. The company also owned a linen warehouse at 5 Linenhall Street in Belfast (now occupied by Lancashire House – erected 1959) and another linen factory at Gillis in Armagh.
In 1887, following a severe depression in the linen industry in north east Ireland, one of the largest concerns of its type in Belfast, the Northern Spinning and Weaving Company was forced into liquidation with the Managing Director, Thomas Valentine being obliged to sell the mansion house he had built in 1863 known as “The Moat” in order to liquidate his assets. Wesley Watson purchased the property from Valentine, and he and his wife took up residence shortly afterwards, having previously lived at Hannahville, Greenisland, Co Antrim.
However, George Washington Wesley Watson’s first wife, Margaret Maria, died on 22 March 1894 (at The Moat, left), and three years later he re-married, this time to his cousin, Eliza G Watson, of East 34th Street, New York, daughter of William Watson, a successful dry goods merchant of West Farms, Westchester County, New York. William had emigrated to America earlier in the century.
Eliza, born in 1851, came from a large family, having 4 brothers and 4 sisters. Although Eliza’s father, William Watson died in 1877; the family remained in the homestead, Willmount, until the death of their mother, Maria, in 1894.
Part of the Watson estate property in the Bronx, lying north of Westchester Avenue and extending from the Bronx river to Clason’s Point Road – a tract of more than 93 acres (equivalent to about 1,200 city lots) – was sold in 1909 to the American Real Estate Company for $1,500,000. The Watson estate, with the adjoining estates of the Astors and the Trasks, constituted the largest land area entirely without development in the Bronx. The sale marked the passing of one of the great estates of New York.
Wesley and Eliza’s engagement and wedding were well documented in the Society columns of the New York Times. The service was held at the Protestant Episcopal Church of the Incarnation, Madison Avenue, and 35th Street, New York, on 5 January 1897.
Wesley and Eliza in later life
“A pretty house wedding was that of Miss Eliza G Watson, daughter of William Watson, to her cousin, G W Wesley Watson of Belfast, Ireland, at the residence of Miss Watson’s sister, Mrs William H Tailer, at 14 East 72nd Street, yesterday afternoon. The house was decorated with orchids, palms, potted plants, and crushed baskets of roses.
The bride was given away by her brother, Francis A Watson. She was attired in a becoming gown of rich white satin, the corsage being tastefully trimmed with old point lace. Her veil was of rare point lace, the gift of her brother, Francis A Watson.
She wore several diamond ornaments, the gifts of the bridegroom, in her coiffure and corsage.
The best man was Charles F Watson, brother of the bridegroom. The ceremony was followed by an informal reception and wedding breakfast, only immediate members of the family and a few intimate friends attending.”
Life was good for Wesley and Eliza. They enjoyed a privileged and opulent lifestyle and enjoyed great standing amongst the Anglo-American community. An article in the New York Times of 15 November 1900 entitled “What is Doing in Society” records their activities at the turn of the century:
As a result of his marriage to Eliza in 1897, Wesley spent most of his time in London, where they resided in a large house at 14 Cadogan Gardens in fashionable Chelsea; and in New York where they crossed the Atlantic in first class luxury aboard the latest Cunard Liner each Autumn. They only stayed at The Moat on their brief visits to Ireland. It would appear that following his good fortune in marrying his cousin, Wesley Watson retired from having any active part in the business, although he continued to be a director and the company retained his name as an original partner.
Eliza was known for her great philanthropic work. Daughter of William Watson of New York, she was also known as the ‘most charitable woman in London’
.No-one knows the extent of her gifts – many of them were given anonymously – but she is estimated to have spent £10,000 a year for charity. Amongst the charities she helped were Great Ormond Street Hospital, the Victoria Hospital for Children, Tite-street, Chelsea and the Queen Charlotte Hospital.
Because of the short time that the couple spent in Ireland, Wesley put “The Moat” on the market and he was approached by Robert John McConnell, a successful estate agent and property developer from Belfast. Upon purchasing the property, he subsequently named the Baronetcy conferred upon him by Queen Victoria during her visit to Dublin, after the house – 1st Baronet McConnell, of the Moat, Strandtown (1900) – the same year that he served as Lord Mayor of Belfast
Subsequently, when Wesley visited Belfast following the sale of The Moat, he stayed at The Ulster Club at Castle Place.
Wesley Watson died in London in 1929 aged 77. Eliza survived him by 7 years (aged 87). Her memorial service was held at Holy Trinity Church, Chelsea on Wednesday 15 July 1936.
McCrum, Watson, Mercer passed from Robert McCrum to his son, William, but he had little interest in the business and by 1930, the company was in the ownership of the Northern Bank, and run by a team of managers.
During his lifetime, Wesley remained in contact with the family in Ireland and in particular, Marjorie Smyth. On his death, he left Marjorie a trust legacy of £3000 from which she was to receive an income for life. A sum of 5% war stock was allocated from Wesley Watson’s estate to meet this legacy and which would produce an annual income of £150.
Captain Watson & Mr Stuart E. Smyth were trustees.